Ramos Leo
"I’ll be sitting in this seat by 2027," Sir Keir Starmer told me, cracking a gag that if our conversation went well he would invite us into Downing Street to talk to us next year too. This declaration, delivered with a fresh sense of resolve after the winter break, marked a stark contrast to the embattled image he often projected during the preceding year. The interview, a deep dive into the Prime Minister’s mindset as a new year dawns, revealed a leader attempting to reset and reaffirm his grip on power amidst mounting internal and external pressures.
There is never truly time off for prime ministers. Even during what was ostensibly a period of reflection at Chequers, the Prime Minister’s country retreat, global events demanded immediate attention. In the hour before we sat down to speak, Sir Keir had been on the phone to Ukraine’s Volodymyr Zelensky, navigating the complexities of a protracted conflict. Simultaneously, he was grappling with the extraordinary news from Venezuela, where his significant political chum, US President Donald Trump, had just launched a controversial attack, leading to the capture of its leader, Nicolás Maduro. By the time our interview, which was notably longer than usual, concluded, Maduro had already been charged in New York, underscoring the relentless pace of international affairs that constantly impinges on a leader’s focus.
This confluence of global crises and domestic challenges provided the backdrop for Sir Keir’s apparent "refresh" or "reboot." He seemed to have benefited from a period of rest with his family, returning to the political fray in noticeably better spirits than at the saggy end of 2025. That year had been politically "dreadful" for him, marked by persistent low approval ratings, internal party squabbles, and a perceived lack of clear direction. From policy U-turns to a struggling economy and a series of difficult by-election results, 2025 had tested his leadership to its limits. Yet, despite this newfound optimism, a crucial question lingers: are he and his allies merely kidding themselves if they reckon his fortunes are about to improve significantly? The road ahead is fraught with peril, and many within his own party are not convinced.
The grisly truth for the prime minister is that many of his colleagues believe he’s not very good at his job. Whispers of discontent have grown louder, fueled by stagnant poll numbers and a sense that the party is not making sufficient headway against a fractured opposition. Some of them would rather gamble and get him out this year, convinced that a change in leadership might be the only way to revitalise Labour’s prospects and prevent Nigel Farage’s Reform UK from further eroding their support base. These internal anxieties represent a significant challenge to Starmer’s authority, demanding not just a change in mood, but a tangible shift in political fortunes.
But Sir Keir was having none of it when we spoke on Saturday morning. He met these concerns with unwavering defiance. On several occasions, he reiterated his belief that he would be "judged at the general election," insisting no one would take his five-year mandate from him. This resolute stance was maintained even when confronted with the argument that the best chance of stopping Nigel Farage and Reform UK getting to No 10 might be for Labour to switch leader. "This is the fight of our times and I intend to lead us," he declared, framing the current political landscape as a fundamental battle for the nation’s future, one he felt uniquely positioned to command. He left no room for doubt that he would not walk away from the leadership, even if facing a direct challenge from within his own ranks.
The problem for the prime minister is that he will be judged long before the general election – in a mega set of elections in May across the UK. These encompass crucial local council elections, as well as contests for the devolved governments in Holyrood (Scotland) and Cardiff (Wales). While he tried to protest, perhaps too much, that these are about who runs councils and devolved administrations, and not directly about Westminster, the reality is undeniable. Such elections are invariably treated as a major barometer of national sentiment and a referendum on the incumbent government’s performance. Even though he may not want to admit it, No 10 will be judged by those elections too, with poor results potentially reigniting leadership speculation and further undermining his position.
This did not stop Sir Keir suggesting that there were no circumstances under which he would walk away, even if one of his colleagues challenged him for the job, should those elections be disastrous for Labour. He tried to explain his unpopularity by saying the public was understandably impatient for things to get better, acknowledging the frustration but attributing it to the slow pace of change rather than fundamental flaws in his leadership or policy. He attempted to convince me, and implicitly the wider public, that this year would be different.
He outlined a series of commitments for 2026, painting a picture of gradual improvement. The economy, he predicted, would begin to turn the corner, despite the current challenge of rising unemployment. This improvement, he argued, would be the result of government plans put in place during their first choppy year finally beginning to bear fruit – a subtle acknowledgment of the difficulties faced in 2025. Furthermore, he committed to closing asylum hotels before the current deadline of 2029, a policy driven by both cost and public concern, although he cautiously wouldn’t put a specific date on that, highlighting the logistical complexities involved.
On the international front, a significant revelation emerged regarding the war in Ukraine. He stated, with the caveat that it wasn’t a done deal, that a peace deal in Ukraine felt more likely now than at any point since Russia’s full-scale invasion. More strikingly, he revealed for the first time that Western allies were now actively discussing how to integrate US and European forces to provide security for Ukraine – a robust framework designed to guard a potential peace and deter future aggression. His big message to you, therefore, is one of hope and progress: this year we will "turn the corner" both domestically and internationally.
The prime minister may have spoken with more energy than I’ve seen from him for a while – more relaxed, perhaps, with more time to talk, suggesting a renewed vigour after his break. But despite facing calls from many directions for a bolder approach, with much more political direction, more vigour, more speed and more urgency, his arguments were familiar ones. His critics argue that this adherence to a cautious, well-trodden path indicates a lack of the decisive leadership needed to inspire a weary electorate. When he finds himself in this much political trouble, does he need a different script, one that offers a more compelling vision and a clearer break from the past?
No government, and certainly not one that has been unpopular for many months, gets everything its own way. Sir Keir’s problems are not just because government is hard, but also because he and his colleagues have made mistakes, even in the last few weeks, exacerbating existing doubts about his judgment and the competence of his administration.
One such misstep, he told me, was his regret over saying he was "delighted" to welcome back the Egyptian-British activist Alaa Abd El Fattah to the UK. This comment had provoked a significant outcry when inflammatory statements he’d previously made – including calls for Zionists and police to be killed – surfaced. Sir Keir blamed "the system" for not realising what the activist had said before – a somewhat fancier way of saying "not my fault," which did little to assuage critics who saw it as a failure of due diligence at the highest level.
And he is courting obvious political risks as the year gets going. His friendship with the US president, Donald Trump, takes on a new jeopardy after Trump’s unilateral strikes on Venezuela. Having interviewed Sir Keir Starmer, a former human rights lawyer who famously opposed the war in Iraq, over the course of many years, the idea he would be comfortable with such action seems far-fetched. He told me he was a "lifelong advocate of international law" but argued that "we simply haven’t got the full picture at the moment." Some demanded he condemn it before we spoke on Saturday morning, and the government is likely to face more pressure to give an explicit view in Parliament in the coming days, forcing Starmer to walk a tightrope between alliance and principle.
Moreover, there has always been bubbling pressure in the Labour ranks to undo or remake some of the results of Brexit. Sir Keir denies he’s doing that, but his new, more concrete commitment to align more closely with the single market – the giant economic European trading zone – will likely provoke howls that he is going back on his vow never to try to undo the decisions that flowed from Brexit. While a commitment to cosy up to more of the single market will please some on his own side, particularly those in favour of closer European ties, it is easy fodder for Reform UK and the Conservatives to use, allowing them to claim he is reneging on his word and betraying the democratic mandate of the referendum.
The prime minister was often criticised last year for being too downright gloomy, a perception that contributed to the public’s impatience. Clearly, he’s trying to get away from that tone, aiming for a more optimistic and forward-looking persona. But given the depth of his political problems, I wonder if his critics publicly, and even some of his allies privately, will think his attempts at optimism this weekend might seem somehow off-key, failing to acknowledge the severity of the challenges.
Sir Keir is a careful politician, known for his methodical approach. On brand, he said during our conversation: "There’s always a caveat with me." His supporters see that as a laudable steadiness, a responsible approach to governance in uncertain times. His detractors, however, argue it shows he lacks the cunning, quick instincts, and bold vision of the best politicians, portraying him as hesitant and overly cautious. This weekend, the prime minister claims he’ll survive the year, and that better times will soon arrive. The big, fat caveat to that? He can’t guarantee that his party, and more importantly the public, will agree.
Nana Banana
Roy Suryo
George Anjay
